For
a year after I got out of college, I worked for Greenpeace in Washington,
D. C. People often seem impressed by this tidbit of information,
although their newfound respect usually lasts only until the inevitable
follow-up question: “What did you do for them?” I know
what they’re thinking—maybe I was writing ecopropaganda,
or lobbying Congress, or getting myself arrested in some media-grabbing
demonstration—and I always feel I should apologize when I
tell them I was just a canvasser. Even the term “canvasser”
is a stretch, because it conjures images of petition drives, letter-writing
campaigns, voter education and other grassroots action. If I did
any of that, it was only in service to my sole objective, which
was to collect checks and make quota. A successful evening of canvassing
was measured not in signatures but in dollars.
Because
our entire pay was commission-based, there was a Darwinian process
of selection in the office that rewarded people whose primary focus
was lining their own pockets. The most successful canvassers were
rarely the dedicated environmentalists, who had a tendency to spend
too much time talking about the issues or arguing with people philosophically
opposed to Greenpeace. One smooth-talking guy who regularly brought
in double quota was a hustler of the first order, a man who peppered
his rap with phrases like “ozone layer” and “corporate
greed” in between pleas for money but had no particular attachment
to environmental issues whatsoever; I later heard he’d become
a door-to-door meat salesman (who knew there was such a thing?)
because it paid more. Another legendary figure in the office was
a former junkie and habitual liar who liked to tell people he’d
recently spent some months on the Rainbow Warrior trying to stop
French nuclear tests in the South Pacific. (He went to tanning salons
to maintain a well-bronzed, just-off-the-boat look.) The best canvasser
I ever saw, the former director of the Ann Arbor Greenpeace office
and someone I would not be surprised to see sitting behind the desk
in the Oval Office someday, almost never brought up environmental
issues; instead, he talked to people about the art on their walls.
“People know why you’re there,” he said to us
once. “You just need to find something in common with them.
Get them to like you. If they like you, they’ll give you anything.”
I
got to thinking about these and many other colorful characters from
my canvassing days as I read Walter A. McDougall’s new American
history, Freedom Just Around the Corner. McDougall’s take
on the United States is that it was from the beginning a collection
of renegade colonies, founded and forged by a motley crew of “self-promoters,
scofflaws, occasional frauds, and peripatetic self-reinventers”
who grew it into the greatest nation of hustlers, in both the positive
and negative sense, the world has ever seen. He introduces us to
several dozen of these bootstrappers, some well known and even canonized
(George Washington, Ben Franklin, Andrew Jackson) alongside many
less celebrated figures who shaped American culture over 250 years,
as Americans flouted England and launched their experiment in republicanism.
Throughout, McDougall continually returns to his theme of America
as a place of “permanent revolution,” where endemic
“creative corruption” and “honest graft”
continually fuel the engines of progress in ways that are frequently
ugly but nearly always fruitful.
The
central irony of McDougall’s book is that while there may
be no nation on Earth more committed to individual self-fulfillment
and the accumulation of material comforts (what other nation’s
leader would equate shopping with patriotism in a time of crisis?),
there also may be no other country so wedded to a religious vision
of itself as a “shining city upon a hill” where everyone
is “created equal” and guaranteed “life, liberty,
and the pursuit of happiness.” Nor is there another national
culture—save perhaps that of our direct ancestor, England—that
so freely flogs itself for failing to live up to its own best intentions.
McDougall notes that every generation of Americans is newly “disappointed”
by the realization that “worldly ideals cannot be advanced
except by worldly means.” For a nation of so-called pragmatists,
we spend an inordinate amount of time asserting the purity of our
motivations and impugning the intentions of others. We question
the sincerity of uber-hustler Bill Gates’ philanthropy and
ascribe base motives to anyone in power. We root for our favorite
American Idols and Apprentices and would-be Survivors, then savage
the winners. Our literary heroes, from Huck Finn to Holden Caulfield,
see charlatans and “phonies” wherever they look, and
like them we vow to never sell our souls, never compromise, never
make a life-altering decision for the “wrong reasons.”
Inevitably we let ourselves down. Gregg Easterbrook of The New Republic
recently wrote a book, The Progress Paradox, on the question of
why Americans are healthier, wealthier and more secure than ever
before, yet no happier. But as McDougall illustrates, such an observation
could have been made about Americans of any era: we “are freer
than other peoples to pursue happiness and yet are no happier for
it” because the standards we have set for ourselves are impossible.
It
took me a long time, long after I’d left Greenpeace, to accept
the notion that it didn’t ultimately matter whether my fellow
canvassers were out to save the world or pay the rent. Either way,
the result was the same: Greenpeace had more money to keep its ships
afloat and its lobbyists whispering in Congressional ears. To hear
Walter McDougall tell it, my cohorts were giving me a first-hand
demonstration of the spirit that made America so successful. Who
knows? Maybe the hustlers can save the world yet. A2P
Email
Drew Franklin at deep@annarborpaper.com.
My Life in Ypsi will return with the next issue of the Paper.
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